Payitaht Abdülhamid with Urdu Dubbing EPISODE 10
This is Episode number 10 of Payitaht Sultan Abdul Hameed. Conviction, solidified by realpolitik, induced the Sultan to wear the mantle of caliph with proud transparency. Abdul Hamid tried to develop cozy associations with Muslims in the realm as well as in Muslim India and Central Asia also. He demanded practicing his benefit, as caliph, of delegating the central religious dignitaries in the Balkans. Scholars like Namuk Kamal stressed the Islamic inceptions of the realm and the commitments that the Turks had made to the keeping unfurling of Islamic development. The Sultan made it a point to go for Friday congregational supplications at the Aya Sophia in an open carriage with the goal that the open would see him. Ramadan, the period of fasting, turned into an uncommon month of festivity. Each, prior night breaking the quick at nightfall, the Sultan sat on a brocade seat in the lobby of group of spectators. Coating the lobby on either side were lines of shaykhs, ulema and visiting dignitaries. The Sultan made it a point to welcome a few normal people to go along with him for the breaking of the quick in order to set up religious affinity with the majority.
The European forces saw these moves with doubt yet were feeble to stop them. Inferred in this emphatic religious stance was the danger that any further moves against the areas of the caliph may bring about an overall uprising of Muslims against their pioneer experts. Any place there was the scarcest damage to Muslims, regardless of whether it was in Russia, British India, or French Africa, the Sultan sent a note of dissent to the concerned power, along these lines gaining the regard and religious unwaveringness of Muslims around the world. The British were especially worried about the enormous number of Muslims in India and tried their very own purposeful publicity endeavors to depict themselves as companions and defenders of the Ottoman Empire. The Sultan invited Muslim dignitaries from everywhere throughout the world into his castle where they were gotten with the respect and glory saved for heads of state. One of the vital dignitaries so got was Jamaluddin Afghani, a reformer from Afghanistan, who went all through the Muslim world to fashion political and social solidarity among Muslims. Religious intensity rose and the Sultan won the help of the ulema worldwide and set up his authenticity according to a greater part of his subjects and furthermore of an enormous number of Muslims all inclusive. Muslims around the globe sought him for direction in issues running from religious observances to the wearing of the fez.
The advantage of this confident religious stance was that it kept the European powers cockeyed for in excess of 25 years. The realm was at relative harmony. The European forces, rather than looking for military occupation and pilgrim rule, were substance to contend with one another for monetary advantages, crude materials and markets. The cost paid for this skillet Islamic tilt was that it removed whatever falsification the domain had as a multi-religious state. The alienation of the Christian minorities developed, even as the changes of the tanzeemat assembled energy, giving equivalent chances to the millets.
Sultan Abdul Hamid was persuaded that the best way to modernize the realm was through an incorporated structure coordinated by his own individual. This conviction was strengthened by the occasions of the initial two years of his rule. He was profoundly disillusioned by Grand Vizier Midhat Pasha, broadly credited as the dad of the Ottoman Parliament, over his treatment of arrangements at the Istanbul Conference of 1876. Midhat's own involvement with the European forces had driven him to take a hard remain at the Conference against the better guidance of the Sultan for proceeded with exchanges and bargain. The breakdown of the Conference prompted the Russian intrusion and a mortifying destruction. Furthermore, the government officials in the Parliament were increasingly keen on improving their very own political professions than discovering answers for the problems that are begging to be addressed confronting the domain. The Christian patriots utilized the floor of the Parliament as a stage to air their own requests for self-rule for their locales, or autonomy. In January 1878, with the Russian armed force moving toward Istanbul, the Sultan looked for the guidance of the Parliament to welcome the British armada into Istanbul harbor as a prudent obstacle to a Russian control of the capital. Rather than guidance, the Sultan got addresses from negligible residents about the direct of the war. A baffled Sultan lost his confidence in the honesty of the administrators and inferred that the domain was not yet prepared for parliamentary popular government, that the most obvious opportunity for a survival of the realm was through a concentrated structure coordinated without anyone else's input. In February 1878, he disintegrated the Parliament as per arrangements of the Constitution and legitimately accepted all forces.
What rose instead of parliamentary guideline was an exceptionally unified structure focused on the royal residence. The Sultan was the focal point of power and power. The centralization of intensity required that there be delegates among himself and the civil servants. The Sultan drew upon a model that had advanced in the prior Islamic realms. Similarly as prior caliphs had utilized hajibs to separate themselves from the ammah, so did Sultan Abdul Hamid utilize the mabayeen (mediators) to pass on his desires to the government employees. Mabayeen implies in the middle. This was what might be compared to the hajibs who had, in prior hundreds of years, isolated the caliphs and Sultans from the ammah, the basic people.
The head mabayeen and the head of staff of the Sultan's staff, was called mabayeen mushiri. Somewhere in the range of 1878 and 1897 this post was held by Ghazi Osman Pasha, who had separated himself at the clash of Plevna (1877) and had earned the regard and certainty of the Sultan. He was a recognized general. Ghazi Osman Pasha was a chief effect on the Sultan in issues identifying with the military and outside issues. The mabayeen mushiri led the Privy Council, comprising of resigned armed force officials and high-positioning civil servants, who gave counsel to the Sultan on significant issues. Next in closeness to the Sultan was the katip or the copyist who imparted the Sultan's directions to the administrators and impacted the Sultan through his association in the correspondence procedure. The collection of mistresses had its very own effect on the Sultan through the central eunuch or the agha. These three positions were the head mabayeen between the Sultan and the outside world.
Abdul Hamid kept a nearby watch on the majority of his deputies, just as on the broad organization in the state, through a proficient arrangement of police and spy organize. The police capacities were brought together and the office not just had the specialist to keep up peace, yet to lead reconnaissance on explorers, the press and scholars. The Sultan, to keep himself educated regarding the minutest happenings in the domain, depended the Police Ministry just to his most confided in comrades. What's more, different consultants served him in issues of individual account and outside issues.
The official, administrative and legal executive capacities were consolidated in the workplace of the excellent vizier. The amazing vizier was in charge of planning the undertakings of state and of crafted by the services. The stupendous vizier managed clerical gatherings and led the significant commissions built up by the Sultan, for example, the commission on displaced people. Among the significant services were the Ministry of Internal undertakings, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the War Ministry, the Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Awqaf and the Ministry of Public Works. The authoritative arm of the express, the Council of State, worked through the fabulous vizier, as did the Ministry of Justice, which gave oversight to the common courts. One of the best of the excellent viziers during the rule of Sultan Abdul Hamid was Mehmet Sait Pasha. He served in that limit multiple times somewhere in the range of 1878 and 1909 and was twice called upon by the Young Turks to take on the situation of the CEO after Abdul Hamid was removed.